Frente a declaraciones de intelectuales y grupos, que bajo el rótulo de "progresistas" o de "izquierda", "denuncian la represión en Venezuela", los abajo firmantes sostenemos nuestro apoyo y compromiso con el avance del proceso popular abierto en Venezuela a partir del Caracazo de 1989 y de la rebelión cívica y militar conducida por Hugo Chávez en 1992, que dio organicidad al descontento popular e inició el proceso de construcción de la Revolución Bolivariana.
El despertar del pueblo oprimido venezolano permitió barrer con el modelo de democracia de pacto de las élites y sus viejas estructuras políticas, abriendo grandes perspectivas para la refundación del Estado así como para el acceso de las clases populares a los espacios de poder político, y para la transformación de las estructuras económicas y la recuperación nacional de las palancas de la economía. Fue el Comandante Chávez quien interpretó y encarnó las aspiraciones nacionales y populares del pueblo venezolano, quebrando el modelo de democracia representativa y abriendo canales de participación del pueblo en la toma de decisiones.
Ese proceso de despertar ha sido complejo, contradictorio y sometido a incesantes intentos desestabilizadores desde afuera y desde la oposición reaccionaria venezolana. No es el objetivo de esta declaración enumerar los logros sociales, culturales y políticos de la Revolución Bolivariana; sabemos que dentro de sus mismas estructuras, como en cualquier proceso popular, conviven contradicciones que ameritan un análisis más profundo del que pueda realizarse en una declaración. Además, las empresas periodísticas concentradas banalizan estas contradicciones con el objetivo de no abrir discusiones radicales sobre esos aspectos.
Lo cierto es que estos factores confluyen y generan la crisis en que, ya en forma prolongada, se encuentra sumida Venezuela. La confluencia de las causas internas, la dificultad en la construcción de un entramado productivo nacional que dé respuesta a las necesidades del pueblo en momentos complejos, la permanente agresión diplomática, propagandística y de intervención en los asuntos internos y una coyuntura internacional desfavorable, son la base material de la actual gran ofensiva de los sectores reaccionarios que buscan volver al pasado.
Los medios concentrados ocultan el carácter racial y de clase de las “guarimbas”, su horizonte y su sentido, y su foco en las zonas más acomodadas de Venezuela. El descontento es organizado y planificado por la oposición para producir el “derrumbamiento catastrófico” del gobierno del presidente Nicolás Maduro, sin planteos de resolución reivindicativa de las necesidades populares –aunque éstas se agitan mediáticamente. El objetivo es crear un estado de caos, ingobernabilidad e incertidumbre. Es una estrategia diseñada para el ámbito internacional y el desgaste de la ciudadanía, que busca generar las condiciones para un recambio que la derecha reaccionaria “aún” no ha logrado generar.
Vemos el despliegue de tácticas que muestran la voluntad generar un escenario insurreccional que lleve al enfrentamiento armado con las fuerzas del Estado. Esto se ve cotidianamente en las pantallas de todo el mundo, tal como fue resuelto por las grandes cadenas de medios: mostrar al menos una noticia diaria instalando en agenda la idea del “caos venezolano”, y machacar en ella. El fraccionamiento de la realidad presentado por los medios internacionales es una muestra de los intereses ocultos en las noticias sobre Venezuela. El asedio mediático a la Revolución Bolivariana no tiene precedentes en la contemporaneidad.
Por otra parte, el recrudecimiento de la violencia en las manifestaciones de la oposición se da proporcionalmente a sus intereses y la temperatura de su discurso. A partir del momento en el que el CNE dio fecha a los eventos electorales (elecciones regionales y ANC), la oposición se negó a aceptar la convocatoria y radicalizó sus acciones de calle, que evidencian como mínimo sus claras intenciones de no ir a elecciones. Adicionalmente a eso colocaron sobre el tablero político el adelanto de las elecciones presidenciales que deberían tener por fecha finales de 2018, incluso propusieron la convocatoria de elecciones generales. A cada solución anteponen un problema.
La operatoria de la derecha reaccionaria a nivel continental busca alguna forma de intervención extranjera. Pero lo que no se ve es que los muertos hasta hoy fueron muy minoritariamente causados por las fuerzas militares y de seguridad del gobierno, mientras que oficinas estatales e inclusive de fuerzas de seguridad son permanentemente atacadas. La comparación entre esta insurrección antichavista con el levantamiento por hambre de 1989 y sus cientos de muertos causados por fuerzas de seguridad conducidas por los que hoy manejan la oposición, muestra con claridad la naturaleza de los bloques enfrentados. Pedir que se retiren las fuerzas estatales de la calle, pedir que “no repriman”, es pedir que el gobierno no se defienda y se deje caer.
Si las debilidades de la Revolución Bolivariana han salido a la superficie con toda su crudeza en los últimos años, el gobierno de Maduro y el proceso popular bolivariano deberán encontrar la salida dentro de una lógica popular y transformadora, que sostenga la independencia y supere los límites encontrados. Los errores no se superan haciendo frente común con la derecha reacciona venezolana e internacional, como se desprende en los hechos de la declaración que realizan una supuesta intelectualidad “de izquierda" que parece desconocer la realidad sobre la que opina.
La gobernabilidad de la Revolución Bolivariana no excluye el conflicto como parte de la cotidianidad social. La democracia no es consenso absoluto, ni pasividad social, ni siquiera es la supresión de la violencia, al menos no lo ha sido en Venezuela. La defensa del modelo de democracia participativa y protagónica implica la capacidad de la sociedad de resolver sus antagonismos en el seno mismo de los procesos de participación y expresión. Pero la oposición no quiere formar parte de la democracia participativa y protagónica, la quiere suprimir y ha rechazado todos los mecanismos existentes para hacer parecer la violencia de las guarimbas como una “situación generalizada”: por muy contradictorio que parezca, la oposición es gobierno desde hace más de 10 años en la mayoría de los municipios donde se desarrollan esas acciones callejeras.
Quienes acompañamos esta declaración sostenemos que el camino iniciado hace más de dos décadas en Venezuela debe ser defendido, contra los errores y enemigos internos y, sobre todo, contra los enemigos externos que buscan una restauración de lo viejo en respuesta a una visión geopolítica alternativa que Chávez impulsó en el continente. Esto no admite dudas ni vacilaciones.
Los intelectuales y dirigentes progresistas, nacionales, antiimperialistas, marxistas o de cualquier corriente de ideas y militancia que sean parte de la causa de los pueblos, que luchan por su emancipación nacional y social, no pueden permanecer indiferentes o tomar posiciones basadas en valores de forma. Lo que digan la SIP, la OEA y otros “foros internacionales” no es lo que debe guiar nuestra indignación. Un intelectual o dirigente comprometido con su tiempo y con su pueblo debe asumir con honestidad la lucha por la superación de los momentos difíciles en que los oprimidos se ven envueltos, codo a codo con su propio pueblo.
Eso no se hace construyendo un frente como socio minoritario de los enemigos de clase, se hace luchando junto a su gente, por su país, por los y las trabajadoras y oprimidos; por la superación de las falencias, debilidades, errores que puedan ocurrir al interior de la misma dinámica popular. Esto salvo que se sea la “izquierda del sistema”, y cómodamente se critique desde los amplios espacios que las instituciones del régimen “global” reservan a los críticos que se asientan en su interior. Los argentinos tenemos amplia experiencia en esto.
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Firman:
Lucas Rubinich (Sociólogo UBA)
Atilo Borón
Eduardo Lucita (Economista EDI)
Claudio Katz (Economista EDI Docente UBA)
Jorge Marchini (Economista EDI)
Aldo Casas (UBA).
Mabel Thwaites Rey (Profesora UBA)
Vicente Zito Lema, (poeta y escrito)
Norman Briski, (actor y dramaturgo)
Julio C. Gambina FUNDACIÓN DE INVESTIGACIONES SOCIALES Y POLÍTICAS (FISYP)
Daniel Campione (FISYP)
Eduardo Schmidt (FISYP)
Beatriz Rajland (FISYP)
Roberto Elizalde (Historiador CTA A RIOSAL UBA)
Nora Ciapponi (FPDS-CN)
Guillermo Caviasca (Historiador, Docente UBA/UNLP)
Néstor Kohan (Filósofo, Docente UBA)
Natalia Vinelli (UBA Barricada TV)
Marcelo Langieri (Sociólogo UBA)
Pablo Llonto (UNLP)
Jorge Drkos - Senador prov Bs As mc- Frente Transversal
Jorge Cardelli (Sec. de Cultura CTA A)
Elsa Bruzzone CEMIDA
José Schulman, secretario nacional Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre
Hugo Blasco (Sec. DDHH CTA A y Sec. Federación Judicial Argentina)
Ricardo Aronskind (economista, UBA)
Leandro Morgenfeld (Historiador)
Luis Alvarenga (El Salvador, Poeta)
Roberto Perdía (Abogado)
Lucas Molinari (periodista Radio Gráfica)
Marcelo Yaquet (Corriente política 17 de agosto, Dirigente de empresa autogestionada)
Carlos Ponce de León Docente (UNCo.)
Tilda Rabi (FEDERPAL)
Martín Scalabrini Ortíz (Ingeniero, investigador)
Guillermo Gallo Mendoza - Presidente de la Fundación Patagonia Tercer Milenio
Daniel Marcos (economista investigador)
Miguel Mazzeo (Historiador)
Sergio Nicanoff historiador docente UBA
Andrés Ruggeri (UBA/UNAJ)
Mario Della Rocca - Historiador - Escritor - Profesor U.N.S.E.
Malena Silveyra, Socióloga FSOC-UBA
Sergio Argüello R. Psicólogo, Escritor, Guatemala.
Carmen Arndt (Alemania)
Thierry Deronne cineasta, periodista y docente universitario (UNEARTE, Venezuela)
Danilo Enrico Martuscelli (Professor da UFFS/Brasil)
Nuria Giniger (Investigadora CONICET)
Clara Algranati, Socióloga UBA
Estela Martín, Psicóloga UBA
Alejandra Guzzo (Directora de cine - Cine Insurgente)
Nadia Fink (periodista, escritora)
Fernando Hugo Azcurra (economista)
Mariano Pacheco (periodista ensayista)
Guillermo Cieza (escritor militante popular)
Alejandro Boscan
Carlos Rodríguez Esperón (docente, investigador)
Rubén Tamborindeguy (docente)
Santiago Menconi (trabajador línea 60)
Carina López Monja Periodista FPDS Rel. Internacionales)
Leandro Segado (FPDS Rel. Internacionales)
Paula Klachko Lic. en Sociología UBA Dra. en Historia UNLP Prof. UNDAV-UNPAZ
Irma Antognazzi (Historiadora. Argentina.)
Manuel Bertoldi - Patria Grande.
Marina Ampudia (RIOSAL CTA A UBA)
Fernando Santana (CEIP Histórica)
Marcelo Leguizamón (delegado)
Carlos Aznarez (Periodista Resumen Latinoamericano)
Joe Cornejo (Periodista Agencia Paco Urondo)
Omar Zanarini (Periodista Radio Gráfica)
Pablo Fernandez (Cartago TV Neuquén)
Leandro Albani (periodista)
Brusco Lisandro (Casa de la Memoria)
Olivares Norberto (Maiz)
Garcia Mónica (Casa de la Memoria)
Morell Sol (Maiz)
Mariano Pi (MRI Patriotas)
MULCS (Buenos Aires)
Movimiento Emancipador
Agencia Paco Urondo
Barricada TV
MPR Quebracho
Editorial de la Campana
CEIP Histórica
Conrado Yasenza (UNDAV)
Claudio Giorno (Corriente Nacional Emancipación Sur)
Colectivo político Ricardo Carpani .
Carlos Martínez, Universidad de los Trabajadores - IMPA
Cecilia Moccia (abogada)
Norberto Bacher (militante socialista argentino venezolano)
Natalia Aruguete (UNQ)
Gerardo Szalkowicz (periodista)
Pablo Cesaroni (Patria Grande)
Lito Borello, Organización Polìtica y Social Los Pibes
Ezequiel Lopardo (MPR Quebracho)
Fernanda Pereyra (MPR Quebracho)
Carlos "Cascote" Bertola MPR Quebracho
Federico Lopardo (MPR Quebracho)
Germán Lovari (CTD Aníbal Veron)
Paulo Cerezuela (CTD Aníbal Veron)
Cintia Mansilla (Vicepresidenta de la FULP)
Victoria Homberger (Secretaría General de la FULP)
FM Riachelo 100.9
Alicia García Tuñon. Docente. Representante por UTE en la junta de disciplina y militante de la OP CienFuegos
Rubén Ruedi (Hstoriador. Escritor) Centro de Estudios Geopolíticos José Martí- Argentina
Adrián Lomlomdjian, presidente de la Unión Cultural Armenia
Hugo Blasco sec ddhh CTA A Sec Federacion judicial argentina
Rubén Ciuró-CTA de los Trabajadores (Bs. AS.).
Griselda Hairala, CTA de los Trabajadores (Lomas de Z.)
Ana Valiente, Rubén Polaco Schell; Barrios x Memoria y Justicia-Lomas.
Verónica Reinoso, Marga Ramírez; Hacha y Tiza.
Saúl Sandoval, Marisú Ventura; Comisión de Solidaridad con Palestina-Lomas.
Justo Barboza (Dibujante)
Hernan Tato Osorio Pedagogo - Ateneo Patagonia
Ángel Luis Fernanz Chamon, miembro del Foro Social de Segovia.
Gael Cárdenas Amador
Dick Emanuelsson, reportero sueco en Latinoamerica (Honduras)
Juan Esteban Kirchner Lic. en Ciencias de la Comunicación Social (UBA)
Gustavo Brufman. UNR. Secretario Gremial CTA-A Rosario
Miriam Tasat (Licenciada en Ciencias de la Educación UBA. Docente)
Valeria Pujol Buch (UNLa)
José Seoane GEAL Grupo de Estudios sobre América Latina y el Caribe
Cindy Carrizo Muñoz
Pablo Morales Rivera, Historiador y docente de la Universidad de Costa Rica (Universidad de Costa Rica)
Ana Grondona (Socióloga UBA)
Martín Cortés (CCC/UNGS)
Oscar Soto (Politólogo/UNCuyo)
Pablo Omar Salguero
Jorge Muñoz (escritor)
Andrea. Zilbersztain ( CEIPH- UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE LUJAN )
Sandra Zapatero, MESA NACIONAL DE LA CONAT
Comisión gremial interna del Banco Credicoop seccional Buenos Aires
Ángel Petriella Sociólogo
Nechi Dorado (Escritora, periodista)
Ana estela Pérez
Amabe Amalia Molinari
Roberto de la Vega (militante en derechos humanos, Argentina)
Ramón Pedregal Casanova.
Silvia Benchimol, docente, Argentina
Hilda Mirta Romano (Docente).
Dario Ezequiel Farcy Licenciado en Cs. Política (UBA) y parte del Consejo Editor de la Revista "Autogestión. Para otra economía"
Ricardo Luis Plaul (escritor)
Rocco Carbone, UNGS/CONICET
Alberto Mas, Secretario CAPAC Club Argentino de Periodistas Amigos de Cuba
José Francisco Puello-Socarrás
Escuela Superior de Administración Pública (Colombia)
Juana Campero (HIJOS Lomas)
Jose Cordeiro (Sec Prensa SUTEPBA)
Julian Bokser - MP La Dignidad
Horacio Cao (FCE/UBA)
Rodolfo Perez Gianni MOVIDEME John William Cooke
Leonardo Andrada MOVIDEME John William Cooke Zárate
Juan Mascaró Documentalista / Integrante de los colectivos Cine MalDito en DOCA y Cine Bandido (Tucumán)
Mesa de trabajo y consenso ex pozo de Banfield
Ester Kandel (profesora Ciencias de la Educación, psicóloga social y magíster de la UBA)
Alex Chamán Portugal (Bolivia, Docente, Sociólogo)
Alberto Bozza (UNLP HIstoriador)
Matilde Ruderman. Psicóloga UBA
Marta Alejandra Speroni, periodista Rompiendo Muros.
Walter Calamita asociación 24 marzo Onlus Italia.
Mario Hernandez. Periodista y escritor
Naibe Burgos. Docente. Master en Dirección. Venezuela
Harald Neuber (Experto en estudios latinoamericanos, periodista; Berlín,
Alemania)
Amilcar Reali (Entre Ríos)
Carlos González. (Com. Interna UOM Siderar ( haedo). Antropólogo)
Javier Azzali, (Centro de Estudios Históricos y Sociales "Felipe Varela")
Maximiliano Pedranzini (Ensayista. Centro de Estudios Históricos, Políticos y Sociales "Felipe Varela")
Daniel Lew, Biologo, Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas IVIC
Nicolas Allen (EEUU)
María Elena Saludas (ATTAC - Argentina)
Nicolas Allen (EEUU)
María Elena Saludas (ATTAC - Argentina)
Daniel Vilá Periodista (Quincenario "Acción")
Danilo Chammas (abogado defensor de DDHH, Brasil).
Marcelo Canay por la campaña Manos Fuera de Venezuela en Argentina
Josefina Bergues, abogada UBA
Federico Gogna, Santiago del Estero
Alicia Unzalu (Ps. Social)
Milcíades Peña (Urbana TV)
Víctor Hugo Pacheco (UNAM)
Frente popular la cañada resiste (Quilmes)
Adhesiones a helicopterox@yahoo.com.ar
- info: 1532935081
STATEMENT ON VENEZUELA
In light of statements made by “progressive” or “leftist” intellectuals who would “denounce the repression in Venezuela”, we, the undersigned, assert our support and commitment to the advancement of the popular process in Venezuela that began with 1989’s “Caracazo” and the civilian-military rebellion led by Hugo Chávez in 1992, which gave organized expression to popular discontent and began the process known as the Bolivarian Revolution.
The uprising of the oppressed Venezuelan people swept away the old political structures of the ruling elite, bringing with it the hope that the state would be rebuilt, the popular classes would have access to centers of political power, the economic structure would be transformed and that there would be sovereign control over the nation’s economy. It was Comandante Chávez who understood and embodied the national-popular aspirations of the Venezuelan people, breaking with the model of representative democracy and opening up channels for popular participation in decision-making processes.
The awakening of the people has been complex and contradictory, subject to incessant attempts at destabilization both from external forces, as well as from the reactionary opposition within Venezuela. The purpose of this statement is not to list the social, cultural and political achievements of the Bolivarian Revolution; we are aware that, as with any popular process, there are structural contradictions deserving of much deeper analysis than the present statement allows for. Furthermore, the media monopolies have tended to trivialize these contradictions with the objective of foreclosing any radical discussion on the matter.
What is certain is that these factors have accumulated and generated the long-standing crisis in which Venezuela finds itself. The convergence of internal causes- the difficult construction of a national productive apparatus that could satisfy the needs of the people- together with permanent diplomatic, propagandistic and interventionist aggression into internal affairs, as well as an unfavorable international outlook, all form the material background against which the most reactionary forces of Venezuelan society look to mount an offensive that would turn back the clock in Venezuela.
The media monopolies seek to conceal the racial and class-based motivations behind the so-called “guarimbas”, the road blockades concentrated in Venezuela’s centers of affluence. The unrest there is organized and planned by the opposition in order to produce the “catastrophic downfall” of the government led by Nicolás Maduro, in the process forestalling any type of resolution that would even contemplate popular needs –although the latter are routinely cited by opportunistic media coverage. The real goal is to create a total state of chaos, ungovernability and uncertainty. This strategy is staged for international consumption and in order to wear down the local citizenry, with the ultimate aim of creating the conditions for a change of government that the reactionary rightwing has until now been unable to bring about.
As these tactics unfold, it has become clear that their intent is generate a insurrectionary climate that would ultimately lead to armed confrontation with state forces. TV and computer screens across the globe have reflected this development, in accordance with the designs of the major media outlets: to portray at least once daily the “Venezuelan crisis”, and then go on repeating the topic ad infinitum. The biased representation of the Venezuelan reality speaks to the hidden interests that guide international coverage. The media blitz waged against the Bolivarian Revolution is without precedent in recent times.
On the other hand, the escalation of violent demonstrations led by the opposition is in proportion with their own interests and the general tenor of their discourse. From the moment the National Electoral Council established a date for elections (both regional and for the Constituent Assembly), the opposition has refused to accept that call to elections and has instead initiated more radical street actions, which demonstrates, if nothing else, their clear intentions to not accept the call to elections. The opposition has additionally demanded that presidential elections, scheduled for the end of 2018, be brought forward and that there be a call for general elections. For every attempt at a solution the opposition invents a new problem.
The reactionary Right is attempting on a continental scale to trigger some form of international intervention. What is hidden from view is that of the recent deaths, only a minority were caused by state security officers, while state offices and security forces are subject to constant attacks. The attempt at drawing comparison between the current anti-Chavez insurrection and that of the food rebellions of 1989 –which, in addition to the toll of hundreds dead, was overseen by security forces acting under the command of current opposition leaders- has ironically only served to highlight the difference between the two sides. To demand that the government withdraw all security forces from the street, that they “not use repression”, is to demand that the government leave itself defenseless and allow its own collapse.
While the weaknesses of the Bolivarian Revolution have become increasingly evident in the last several years, the Maduro government and the Bolivarian process must be allowed to find some popular, transformative solution, one that would maintain state sovereignty and overcome the current limits. Mistakes cannot be overcome by joining in a united front with the Venezuelan and international reactionary rightwing, as has occurred in several statements issued by supposedly “left” intellectuals who have shown themselves to be largely out of touch with the Venezuelan reality.
Governance under the Bolivarian Revolution does not preclude the possibility of conflict as part of everyday social existence. Democracy is not a matter of absolute consensus, nor is it a question of social passivity or even of the outright exclusion of violence, at least in the case of Venezuela. Defending the model of participatory democracy in Venezuela means allowing the people themselves to resolve any antagonisms that might arise from within the very same processes of participation and popular expression. But the opposition has no interest in forming part of that process; it wishes only to suppress it. Furthermore, the opposition has rejected all existing institutional mechanisms in order to make the violent guarimbas appear as though they were reflective of a “general situation”: contradictory thought it may appear, the opposition government has for the last ten years has been a majority political presence in the municipalities where such violent street actions have taken place.
We who endorse this statement maintain that the path charted more than two decades ago in Venezuela must be defended, against both mistakes as well as internal enemies, but above all against external enemies who are actively seeking to restore old oligarchic interests and revert the alternative geopolitical vision that Chavez promoted throughout the continent. On this point there is no room for second-guessing or hesitation.
Intellectuals and political leaders, be they progressives, nationalists, anti-imperialists, Marxists or belonging to any other school of thought and political background, so long as they are on the side of the people who struggle for their national and social emancipation, cannot stand by idly or maintain equivocal positions. We cannot take our cues from “international forums” such as the Inter American Press Association and the Organization of American States. An intellectual or activitist truly committed to the historical moment must stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the people and assume in good faith their struggle as their own, attempting to overcome the difficult times in which the oppressed of the world find themselves.
This cannot be done by forming alliances with the minority partners of class enemies, but instead by struggling alongside the people, the oppressed workers; only by doing so can the shortcomings, weaknesses and mistakes arising from within the popular process be overcome.
To add your name to the list: helicopterox@yahoo.com.ar
In light of statements made by “progressive” or “leftist” intellectuals who would “denounce the repression in Venezuela”, we, the undersigned, assert our support and commitment to the advancement of the popular process in Venezuela that began with 1989’s “Caracazo” and the civilian-military rebellion led by Hugo Chávez in 1992, which gave organized expression to popular discontent and began the process known as the Bolivarian Revolution.
The uprising of the oppressed Venezuelan people swept away the old political structures of the ruling elite, bringing with it the hope that the state would be rebuilt, the popular classes would have access to centers of political power, the economic structure would be transformed and that there would be sovereign control over the nation’s economy. It was Comandante Chávez who understood and embodied the national-popular aspirations of the Venezuelan people, breaking with the model of representative democracy and opening up channels for popular participation in decision-making processes.
The awakening of the people has been complex and contradictory, subject to incessant attempts at destabilization both from external forces, as well as from the reactionary opposition within Venezuela. The purpose of this statement is not to list the social, cultural and political achievements of the Bolivarian Revolution; we are aware that, as with any popular process, there are structural contradictions deserving of much deeper analysis than the present statement allows for. Furthermore, the media monopolies have tended to trivialize these contradictions with the objective of foreclosing any radical discussion on the matter.
What is certain is that these factors have accumulated and generated the long-standing crisis in which Venezuela finds itself. The convergence of internal causes- the difficult construction of a national productive apparatus that could satisfy the needs of the people- together with permanent diplomatic, propagandistic and interventionist aggression into internal affairs, as well as an unfavorable international outlook, all form the material background against which the most reactionary forces of Venezuelan society look to mount an offensive that would turn back the clock in Venezuela.
The media monopolies seek to conceal the racial and class-based motivations behind the so-called “guarimbas”, the road blockades concentrated in Venezuela’s centers of affluence. The unrest there is organized and planned by the opposition in order to produce the “catastrophic downfall” of the government led by Nicolás Maduro, in the process forestalling any type of resolution that would even contemplate popular needs –although the latter are routinely cited by opportunistic media coverage. The real goal is to create a total state of chaos, ungovernability and uncertainty. This strategy is staged for international consumption and in order to wear down the local citizenry, with the ultimate aim of creating the conditions for a change of government that the reactionary rightwing has until now been unable to bring about.
As these tactics unfold, it has become clear that their intent is generate a insurrectionary climate that would ultimately lead to armed confrontation with state forces. TV and computer screens across the globe have reflected this development, in accordance with the designs of the major media outlets: to portray at least once daily the “Venezuelan crisis”, and then go on repeating the topic ad infinitum. The biased representation of the Venezuelan reality speaks to the hidden interests that guide international coverage. The media blitz waged against the Bolivarian Revolution is without precedent in recent times.
On the other hand, the escalation of violent demonstrations led by the opposition is in proportion with their own interests and the general tenor of their discourse. From the moment the National Electoral Council established a date for elections (both regional and for the Constituent Assembly), the opposition has refused to accept that call to elections and has instead initiated more radical street actions, which demonstrates, if nothing else, their clear intentions to not accept the call to elections. The opposition has additionally demanded that presidential elections, scheduled for the end of 2018, be brought forward and that there be a call for general elections. For every attempt at a solution the opposition invents a new problem.
The reactionary Right is attempting on a continental scale to trigger some form of international intervention. What is hidden from view is that of the recent deaths, only a minority were caused by state security officers, while state offices and security forces are subject to constant attacks. The attempt at drawing comparison between the current anti-Chavez insurrection and that of the food rebellions of 1989 –which, in addition to the toll of hundreds dead, was overseen by security forces acting under the command of current opposition leaders- has ironically only served to highlight the difference between the two sides. To demand that the government withdraw all security forces from the street, that they “not use repression”, is to demand that the government leave itself defenseless and allow its own collapse.
While the weaknesses of the Bolivarian Revolution have become increasingly evident in the last several years, the Maduro government and the Bolivarian process must be allowed to find some popular, transformative solution, one that would maintain state sovereignty and overcome the current limits. Mistakes cannot be overcome by joining in a united front with the Venezuelan and international reactionary rightwing, as has occurred in several statements issued by supposedly “left” intellectuals who have shown themselves to be largely out of touch with the Venezuelan reality.
Governance under the Bolivarian Revolution does not preclude the possibility of conflict as part of everyday social existence. Democracy is not a matter of absolute consensus, nor is it a question of social passivity or even of the outright exclusion of violence, at least in the case of Venezuela. Defending the model of participatory democracy in Venezuela means allowing the people themselves to resolve any antagonisms that might arise from within the very same processes of participation and popular expression. But the opposition has no interest in forming part of that process; it wishes only to suppress it. Furthermore, the opposition has rejected all existing institutional mechanisms in order to make the violent guarimbas appear as though they were reflective of a “general situation”: contradictory thought it may appear, the opposition government has for the last ten years has been a majority political presence in the municipalities where such violent street actions have taken place.
We who endorse this statement maintain that the path charted more than two decades ago in Venezuela must be defended, against both mistakes as well as internal enemies, but above all against external enemies who are actively seeking to restore old oligarchic interests and revert the alternative geopolitical vision that Chavez promoted throughout the continent. On this point there is no room for second-guessing or hesitation.
Intellectuals and political leaders, be they progressives, nationalists, anti-imperialists, Marxists or belonging to any other school of thought and political background, so long as they are on the side of the people who struggle for their national and social emancipation, cannot stand by idly or maintain equivocal positions. We cannot take our cues from “international forums” such as the Inter American Press Association and the Organization of American States. An intellectual or activitist truly committed to the historical moment must stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the people and assume in good faith their struggle as their own, attempting to overcome the difficult times in which the oppressed of the world find themselves.
This cannot be done by forming alliances with the minority partners of class enemies, but instead by struggling alongside the people, the oppressed workers; only by doing so can the shortcomings, weaknesses and mistakes arising from within the popular process be overcome.
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Sign:
Lucas Rubinich (Sociólogo UBA)
Atilo Borón
Eduardo Lucita (Economista EDI)
Claudio Katz (Economista EDI Docente UBA)
Jorge Marchini (Economista EDI)
Aldo Casas (UBA).
Mabel Thwaites Rey (Profesora UBA)
Vicente Zito Lema, (poeta y escrito)
Norman Briski, (actor y dramaturgo)
Julio C. Gambina FUNDACIÓN DE INVESTIGACIONES SOCIALES Y POLÍTICAS (FISYP)
Daniel Campione (FISYP)
Eduardo Schmidt (FISYP)
Beatriz Rajland (FISYP)
Roberto Elizalde (Historiador CTA A RIOSAL UBA)
Nora Ciapponi (FPDS-CN)
Guillermo Caviasca (Historiador, Docente UBA/UNLP)
Néstor Kohan (Filósofo, Docente UBA)
Natalia Vinelli (UBA Barricada TV)
Marcelo Langieri (Sociólogo UBA)
Pablo Llonto (UNLP)
Jorge Drkos - Senador prov Bs As mc- Frente Transversal
Jorge Cardelli (Sec. de Cultura CTA A)
Elsa Bruzzone CEMIDA
José Schulman, secretario nacional Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre
Hugo Blasco (Sec. DDHH CTA A y Sec. Federación Judicial Argentina)
Ricardo Aronskind (economista, UBA)
Leandro Morgenfeld (Historiador)
Luis Alvarenga (El Salvador, Poeta)
Roberto Perdía (Abogado)
Lucas Molinari (periodista Radio Gráfica)
Marcelo Yaquet (Corriente política 17 de agosto, Dirigente de empresa autogestionada)
Carlos Ponce de León Docente (UNCo.)
Tilda Rabi (FEDERPAL)
Martín Scalabrini Ortíz (Ingeniero, investigador)
Guillermo Gallo Mendoza - Presidente de la Fundación Patagonia Tercer Milenio
Daniel Marcos (economista investigador)
Miguel Mazzeo (Historiador)
Sergio Nicanoff historiador docente UBA
Andrés Ruggeri (UBA/UNAJ)
Mario Della Rocca - Historiador - Escritor - Profesor U.N.S.E.
Malena Silveyra, Socióloga FSOC-UBA
Sergio Argüello R. Psicólogo, Escritor, Guatemala.
Carmen Arndt (Alemania)
Thierry Deronne cineasta, periodista y docente universitario (UNEARTE, Venezuela)
Danilo Enrico Martuscelli (Professor da UFFS/Brasil)
Nuria Giniger (Investigadora CONICET)
Clara Algranati, Socióloga UBA
Estela Martín, Psicóloga UBA
Alejandra Guzzo (Directora de cine - Cine Insurgente)
Nadia Fink (periodista, escritora)
Fernando Hugo Azcurra (economista)
Mariano Pacheco (periodista ensayista)
Guillermo Cieza (escritor militante popular)
Alejandro Boscan
Carlos Rodríguez Esperón (docente, investigador)
Rubén Tamborindeguy (docente)
Santiago Menconi (trabajador línea 60)
Carina López Monja Periodista FPDS Rel. Internacionales)
Leandro Segado (FPDS Rel. Internacionales)
Paula Klachko Lic. en Sociología UBA Dra. en Historia UNLP Prof. UNDAV-UNPAZ
Irma Antognazzi (Historiadora. Argentina.)
Manuel Bertoldi - Patria Grande.
Marina Ampudia (RIOSAL CTA A UBA)
Fernando Santana (CEIP Histórica)
Marcelo Leguizamón (delegado)
Carlos Aznarez (Periodista Resumen Latinoamericano)
Joe Cornejo (Periodista Agencia Paco Urondo)
Omar Zanarini (Periodista Radio Gráfica)
Pablo Fernandez (Cartago TV Neuquén)
Leandro Albani (periodista)
Brusco Lisandro (Casa de la Memoria)
Olivares Norberto (Maiz)
Garcia Mónica (Casa de la Memoria)
Morell Sol (Maiz)
Mariano Pi (MRI Patriotas)
MULCS (Buenos Aires)
Movimiento Emancipador
Agencia Paco Urondo
Barricada TV
MPR Quebracho
Editorial de la Campana
CEIP Histórica
Conrado Yasenza (UNDAV)
Claudio Giorno (Corriente Nacional Emancipación Sur)
Colectivo político Ricardo Carpani .
Carlos Martínez, Universidad de los Trabajadores - IMPA
Cecilia Moccia (abogada)
Norberto Bacher (militante socialista argentino venezolano)
Natalia Aruguete (UNQ)
Gerardo Szalkowicz (periodista)
Pablo Cesaroni (Patria Grande)
Lito Borello, Organización Polìtica y Social Los Pibes
Ezequiel Lopardo (MPR Quebracho)
Fernanda Pereyra (MPR Quebracho)
Carlos "Cascote" Bertola MPR Quebracho
Federico Lopardo (MPR Quebracho)
Germán Lovari (CTD Aníbal Veron)
Paulo Cerezuela (CTD Aníbal Veron)
Cintia Mansilla (Vicepresidenta de la FULP)
Victoria Homberger (Secretaría General de la FULP)
FM Riachelo 100.9
Alicia García Tuñon. Docente. Representante por UTE en la junta de disciplina y militante de la OP CienFuegos
Rubén Ruedi (Hstoriador. Escritor) Centro de Estudios Geopolíticos José Martí- Argentina
Adrián Lomlomdjian, presidente de la Unión Cultural Armenia
Hugo Blasco sec ddhh CTA A Sec Federacion judicial argentina
Rubén Ciuró-CTA de los Trabajadores (Bs. AS.).
Griselda Hairala, CTA de los Trabajadores (Lomas de Z.)
Ana Valiente, Rubén Polaco Schell; Barrios x Memoria y Justicia-Lomas.
Verónica Reinoso, Marga Ramírez; Hacha y Tiza.
Saúl Sandoval, Marisú Ventura; Comisión de Solidaridad con Palestina-Lomas.
Justo Barboza (Dibujante)
Hernan Tato Osorio Pedagogo - Ateneo Patagonia
Ángel Luis Fernanz Chamon, miembro del Foro Social de Segovia.
Gael Cárdenas Amador
Dick Emanuelsson, reportero sueco en Latinoamerica (Honduras)
Juan Esteban Kirchner Lic. en Ciencias de la Comunicación Social (UBA)
Gustavo Brufman. UNR. Secretario Gremial CTA-A Rosario
Miriam Tasat (Licenciada en Ciencias de la Educación UBA. Docente)
Valeria Pujol Buch (UNLa)
José Seoane GEAL Grupo de Estudios sobre América Latina y el Caribe
Cindy Carrizo Muñoz
Pablo Morales Rivera, Historiador y docente de la Universidad de Costa Rica (Universidad de Costa Rica)
Ana Grondona (Socióloga UBA)
Martín Cortés (CCC/UNGS)
Oscar Soto (Politólogo/UNCuyo)
Pablo Omar Salguero
Jorge Muñoz (escritor)
Andrea. Zilbersztain ( CEIPH- UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE LUJAN )
Sandra Zapatero, MESA NACIONAL DE LA CONAT
Comisión gremial interna del Banco Credicoop seccional Buenos Aires
Ángel Petriella Sociólogo
Nechi Dorado (Escritora, periodista)
Ana estela Pérez
Amabe Amalia Molinari
Roberto de la Vega (militante en derechos humanos, Argentina)
Ramón Pedregal Casanova.
Silvia Benchimol, docente, Argentina
Hilda Mirta Romano (Docente).
Dario Ezequiel Farcy Licenciado en Cs. Política (UBA) y parte del Consejo Editor de la Revista "Autogestión. Para otra economía"
Ricardo Luis Plaul (escritor)
Rocco Carbone, UNGS/CONICET
Alberto Mas, Secretario CAPAC Club Argentino de Periodistas Amigos de Cuba
José Francisco Puello-Socarrás
Escuela Superior de Administración Pública (Colombia)
Juana Campero (HIJOS Lomas)
Jose Cordeiro (Sec Prensa SUTEPBA)
Julian Bokser - MP La Dignidad
Horacio Cao (FCE/UBA)
Rodolfo Perez Gianni MOVIDEME John William Cooke
Leonardo Andrada MOVIDEME John William Cooke Zárate
Juan Mascaró Documentalista / Integrante de los colectivos Cine MalDito en DOCA y Cine Bandido (Tucumán)
Mesa de trabajo y consenso ex pozo de Banfield
Ester Kandel (profesora Ciencias de la Educación, psicóloga social y magíster de la UBA)
Alex Chamán Portugal (Bolivia, Docente, Sociólogo)
Alberto Bozza (UNLP HIstoriador)
Matilde Ruderman. Psicóloga UBA
Marta Alejandra Speroni, periodista Rompiendo Muros.
Walter Calamita asociación 24 marzo Onlus Italia.
Mario Hernandez. Periodista y escritor
Naibe Burgos. Docente. Master en Dirección. Venezuela
Harald Neuber (Experto en estudios latinoamericanos, periodista; Berlín,
Alemania)
Amilcar Reali (Entre Ríos)
Carlos González. (Com. Interna UOM Siderar ( haedo). Antropólogo)
Javier Azzali, (Centro de Estudios Históricos y Sociales "Felipe Varela")
Maximiliano Pedranzini (Ensayista. Centro de Estudios Históricos, Políticos y Sociales "Felipe Varela")
Daniel Lew, Biologo, Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas IVIC
Nicolas Allen (EEUU)
María Elena Saludas (ATTAC - Argentina)
Nicolas Allen (EEUU)
María Elena Saludas (ATTAC - Argentina)
Daniel Vilá Periodista (Quincenario "Acción")
Danilo Chammas (abogado defensor de DDHH, Brasil).
Marcelo Canay por la campaña Manos Fuera de Venezuela en Argentina
Josefina Bergues, abogada UBA
Federico Gogna, Santiago del Estero
Alicia Unzalu (Ps. Social)
Milcíades Peña (Urbana TV)
Víctor Hugo Pacheco (UNAM)
Frente popular la cañada resiste (Quilmes)
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